A
royal ruckus over the Acadian man
New
Brunswick's Lieutenant-Governor is proud of his appointment.
But as a former standard-bearer for Acadian nationalism, some of his old comrades
see him as a traitor to their cause.
By
David Stonehouse
FREDERICTON
-- Hermenegilde Chiasson sits perched on an antique cream-coloured
loveseat in the front room of his new estate, a sprawling
19th-century mansion perched on the banks of the St. John
River.
The
brilliant fall sun beats through a wall of windows. He
sips at morning tea, and ponders where he finds himself.
It beats
imagination for this 57-year-old artist, filmmaker, playwright,
nationally acclaimed poet and son of a poor fisherman from
a northern New Brunswick village bound by poverty.
But
what astounds him is not the rags-to-riches fairy tale
or the modest opulence of the Lieutenant-Governor's estate
where he suddenly finds himself ensconced as this province's
regal representative. It is the unrelenting criticism that
nips at his heels. Worse, it comes from his own heartland
-- Acadia, where some view him now as a traitor.
It stings,
and it mystifies.
"I
don't see where the controversy came from," says Chiasson,
whose passion for Acadia cemented him as an icon of Acadian
arts and culture. "There are so many that are positive,
so many good letters. But then you have three or four .
. ." he says, trailing off. "And of course I
am an artist. And artists are in the business of being
loved. We want to be loved -- that is our weakness, I find."
That
is a weakness, he says, he is now trying to overcome.
Chiasson,
adored by judges for such august honours as the Governor-General's
Award (twice nominated, then third time a winner in 1999
for his book of poems, Conversations), the Prix France-Acadie
and France's prestigious Chevalier de l'Ordre francais
des Arts et Lettres, now finds himself in a quagmire that
doesn't want to quit.
The
roots of the controversy reach back to 1755, when the British
began to expel more than 10,000 French-speaking residents
of what is now Nova Scotia -- driving them off to France
and the United States. Some evaded capture and fled to
New Brunswick. Ever since, Acadians have struggled to uphold
their traditions, culture and language. Today, roughly
250,000 francophones live in New Brunswick.
Some
now resent that Chiasson pledged allegiance to the Queen
in taking the lieutenant-governor's post, that he now serves
her, that he is balking at pursing the long-simmering nationalists'
cause of seeking an acknowledgment from Her Majesty that
the British were wrong to oust their Acadian ancestors.
But
there have been two other Acadians who served as lieutenant-governor
in this province without causing such a stir. This goes
deeper -- to Chiasson's vivid art, his poignant writing
and his vigorous defence of Acadian culture.
"Artists
and poets express the soul of a people," says Jean-Marie
Nadeau, a staunch Acadian nationalist and the most barbed
among the critics, despite the fact both men consider each
other to be friends." By accepting that -- it is just
too much."
Nadeau,
a former president of La Societe des Acadiens et Acadiennes
du Nouveau-Brunswick and one-time editor of the French
daily newspaper L'Acadie Nouvelle, feels betrayed. For
many Acadians, he says, it is not a time for rejoicing.
"Like
if I were Scottish or Irish or Welsh -- I wouldn't feel
comfortable having one of my compatriots accepting that
kind of job," he says. "I preferred him as an
Acadian king of visual arts and poetry then as a British
king representing the Queen."
Hermenegilde
Chiasson was born in 1946 in the northerneastern New Brunswick
community of St-Simon, a coastal village founded during
the Acadian deportation. The young Hermenegilde was surrounded
by artistic influence. His father sketched. His mother
quilted. One of the few children at the time to finish
all 12 grades at the local one-room school house, Chiasson
still remembers how all the young people just walked away
from the village as soon as they were old enough.
"Acadie
was just some kind of a breeding ground, then you left.
If you had anything going for you, you would leave. For
the young intellectuals and young artists -- artists, period
-- if you had something going you'd leave."
Chiasson
left too. He was among the first to attend the Universite
de Moncton, a francophone institution that launched an
era of progress for Acadians when it opened in the 1960s.
It was there he picked up his passion for the arts -- a
passion that drove him on to more study in New York and
Paris. But a devotion to his homeland compelled his return.
Chiasson's
poetry has reflected a deep sadness about Acadia -- its
tragic history, the miserable poverty generations since
have suffered through. In a society rooted largely in folklore,
he has served as a symbol of changing times.
"He
represented modernity as Antonine Maillet represents folklore
and tradition. He was a leader in that sense, too -- Acadian
culture wanted to be modern, and he was that incarnation," says
Raoul Boudreau, director of the French department at the
Universite de Moncton.
Chiasson
was among the fiercest defenders of his society -- a period
which he now calls his "angry young man days." Over
the years, he has blasted artists who have left Acadia
for Quebec yet still claim intimacy with the community.
He has argued for language purity, criticizing" chiac" --
a mangled blend of English and French commonly spoken by
Acadians in southeastern New Brunswick.
And
he once took aim at Jean Chretien in a 1992 documentary,
Acadie a venir (Acadia to Come). ("I'm not very proud
of that film," he says sheepishly.) Chretien was ushered
back to Parliament two years earlier in a by-election in
New Brunswick's Beausejour riding. The 71-minute film,
says a National Film Board summary, questions whether the
largely Acadian area is well served by a man who is "foreign
with their history, their culture, with their fight."
It was
Chretien, though, who chose Chiasson for this new post.
On Aug. 15, the Acadian national day, the Prime Minister
announced his choice with a statement hailing the artist
and writer as "one of New Brunswick's most celebrated
cultural figures."
Plenty
were surprised by the choice, if only because of Chiasson's
well-known nationalism. It didn't take long for the inevitable
question: Would he be seeking an apology from the Queen?
He made
it clear he was not going to get involved. When he was
sworn in days later, he did not broach it explicitly. But
it was there.
"For
us Acadians," he said in his speech, "the past
is often the source of a great sadness from which we all
strive to free ourselves. I am convinced today, as I always
have been, that we will be able to do this only through
our absolute confidence in the future as the bearer of
an immense promise -- a promise that we must fulfill and
that we will ultimately have to accept to counterweigh
our unfortunate history."
Those
fighting for an acknowledgment from the Queen were astonished,
disappointed, angry -- never mind that the Queen will take
her counsel on this issue from the federal Canadian cabinet,
not from him.
The
controversy has lingered since, the plaudits and barbs
playing out in the letters pages of the French press here
for weeks. There are some who glow with pride that one
of their own has been elevated to such a prestigious post.
The most ferocious, of course, are the critics.
Claude
Roussel, an Acadian sculptor, finds the criticism "deplorable," the
quest for a royal acknowledgment futile: "We all know
what happened. In all societies, I guess there are unfortunate
things that happened. To pay attention to the point where
it stifles our existence today, I think that is bad."
Sitting
in the front room of Old Government House, Chiasson casts
his mind to the controversy and remembers a poem he wrote
once, Unfinished Dreams. It is about a young woman drifting
off to sleep who dreams of another deportation.
He wants
to see that haunting end.
"The
deportation is like the original sin in a way -- it is
like a mark that you had when you were born if you are
an Acadian. You have to deal with that," he says.
"There
are people who will deal with it by experiencing a great
deal of pain, which translates into anger. And there are
other people who have experienced that pain and they will
translate it into some kind of rebirth in a way, saying
'Yes this was a very bad thing.' But then we have to move
along."
He confesses
that until the last decade he was a man "more into
discourse than into action." But no more.
"I
said to myself, 'Yeah, you can be a nationalist and you
can rely on symbol' -- which would be the flag, the anthem,
the tradition, folklore, cuisine, whatever," he says. "At
some point, I decided, 'No if you want to be a nationalist
you have to contribute something concrete.' This is how
you inscribe yourself in history."
© 2004
David Stonehouse. For permissions to reprint, please e-mail info@davidstonehouse.com
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